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Editorial Review

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December 20th, 2006 issue

Let's ask in all earnestness and with pressing urgency: Could the change in the air time of Večerníček [a traditional animated fairy tale program] affect our children's mental health, or even our own, should we often watch Večerníček with them? Has Czech — in other words: "public-service" — Television hired teams of experts who would look into this issue? Martin Komárek writes in Mladá fronta Dnes Dec. 15.

We all know that virtually anything has a negative effect on us: particularly food, drink, heat, cold, ads and commercials, violent movies, overly sentimental movies, lazing around and excessive exercise. What's even worse is the change from summer time to winter time and vice versa; we then resemble those poor hens sitting under artificial lighting. Could the change of Večerníček's broadcasting time have far-reaching consequences?

There are few fixed points in our hectic lives. And Večerníček at 7 p.m. is one of them. In fact, maybe it is the only fixed point.

I am afraid that Czech Television hasn't had extensive studies on this issue carried out; it simply decided that kids can go to bed 15 minutes earlier, no big deal. An absolutely irresponsible act! What if a new generation of troublemakers is on its way? What if the parents become a bunch of neurotics unable to work loyally for capitalism?

I call on you to found a civic association for Večerníček at 7p.m. Before it's too late, Komárek writes.

It was less than 48 hours before Prime Minister designate Mirek Topolánek was to present the president with his second Cabinet that he announced the end of coalition talks with the leading opposition party, the Social Democrats (ČSSD), and returned the Civil Democratic Party (ODS) to the very beginning of the dilemma of forming a government, Tomáš Němeček writes in Hospodářské noviny Dec. 14.

And the dilemma is far from new: Is it better to rule with ČSSD Chairman Jiří Paroubek or ČSSD dissident Deputy Miloš Melčák (who recently left the ČSSD Chamber group)?

To rule with Paroubek would have disadvantages. The ODS wouldn't push through its flat tax. The ODS could well wind up fulfilling little of what would appear in a joint ODS-ČSSD program.

Topolánek said in the past he's against a grand coalition, and a good deal of his personal credibility stands and falls with this promise. His own party could turn against Topolánek in a few years for forming such a coalition in the first place.

Yet there seem to be advantages, as well. Most of all, an end to the post-election stalemate with which many are fed up after more than six months. A grand coalition system of government might not be very inventive, but it would still able to push the country forward in a stable way.

As for the ODS ruling with the support of a ČSSD dissident, Melčák, how could the ODS possibly explain leaving talks with the ČSSD that have been going well. The ODS even made a good shift towards a realistic pension reform. It is posible to rule with Melčák, but not to carry out reforms with him.

President Václav Klaus said he doesn't want a government based on party renegades. If so, what sense does it make for Topolánek to end talks with the ČSSD? Does he want to put more pressure on Paroubek and humiliate him more? Or find a way to early elections sooner? Perhaps there are certain advantages in all this for Topolánek, but no advantages for the Czech Republic, Němeček writes.

Compiled by Naďa Černá


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