Not even Paroubek's opponents could deny that he has become the person moving the Czech political scene. Fans and critics alike seem attracted by Paroubek's exceptional activities. Popularity polls show that his fans are many, and that he won his popularity by being aware of the importance of posing as a tough but just and socially sensitive man. It would be unfair to deny that Paroubek works hard. Not only that, he seems ever present on TV, radio and newspaper pages, and he also manages an incredible number of activities at home and abroad. We should understand that for Paroubek, this represents a happy period — he remains fully devoted to his work, has enormous possibilities and does not fear making use of them. We had but a few men like that after the fall of communism. As a matter of fact, I can only think of Václav Klaus and Milos Zeman. Paroubek has now joined them. The cases of Klaus and Zeman, however, reveal the hazards of the influence of such individuals. When Deputy Prime Minister for the Economy Martin Jahn received his appointment as election leader in Prague, it came at Paroubek's request. And this alibi shtick could one day land on Paroubek's head so hard that he might never recover, if he fails to once again bring the Social Democrats to the governmental promised land. If all goes well, obedience to a strong leader will become glorified as a leadership model. Under democracy, no threat exists that society would become subordinated to such a model. However, the fact that only some leaders here appear capable of the effort does not contribute to democracy, Mitrofanov writes.

The business career of Viktor Kozeny´, one of the gurus of Czech voucher privatization, ended where it started — in the United States. Except this time, the FBI came after him in the Bahamas with handcuffs, Viliam Buchert writes in Mladá fronta Dnes Oct. 7.

The "pirate from Prague," as some Western media used to call him, is now in the cage. Together with two Americans, Kozeny´ has been accused of broad corruption that he allegedly committed in Azerbaijan. It seems piquant that Kozeny´ himself has been "robbed" by fraud with links to the local president. It appears that one dramatic and, in some ways, disgusting tale from the times of Czech "wild capitalism" could soon end. It also seems that the money used for bribes in Azerbaijan came from the Czech Republic, where Kozeny´ faces prosecution for fraud in connection with the Harvard privatization funds. The light of attention should be beamed not only on Kozeny´ but also on those who observed the endless tunneling of funds and did nothing to prevent it, which would mean a segment of the political elite, from government to Parliament. These politicians remain guilty of setting no limits to prevent billions of crowns from vanishing. Czech politicians have often been irresponsibly benevolent to how some individuals understood the concept of abiding by the law, and they did not honor the rules of a legal state, Buchert writes.